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Name: Globalization and European Cohesion. The publication was supported by the Visegrad Fund. Introduction Dear Readers Social dimension of foreign policy became an integral part of my work as the Minister of Foreign Affairs after the elections in autumn You can see that in practice when we as the Czech Republic, after several years break, started again to pay contributions to the International Labour Organization and agreed on supporting some of its concrete projects.

Generally speaking, social dimension of foreign policy includes the consideration and the pursuit of decent working conditions also in the countries of the Global South or the protection against climate change. That is why we took part in the Paris Agreement negotiations and pushed through its ratification in the Czech Parliament. The conference made it possible for politicians, academics, officials and the engaged public to meet during the debate on the convergence between the old and the new Member States, on the tasks of the European Union in the Global South and the relations between the centre and the periphery on domestic and international level.

Be it the state or the local government. But that is the problem; that our standard of living does not, over the long term, approach the standard of the European Union. German and Austrian wages are still just as remote as in the time when we were entering the EU. Even some of the countries from which we would not expect it are overrunning us. That means we raise the minimum wage about nine to ten percent per year, and it is nevertheless lower than today in Slovakia.

All this we as the Czechs can offer. This commitment should become our common goal in the whole of Europe. In recent years, we have been witnessing various efforts to address the growing social inequalities in Europe. One of the most visible debates was the discussion around the directive on the posting of workers. However, the way in which the directive was enforced, and most importantly, how its interpretation on the part of some countries fundamentally overlooked the different economic reality in the individual Member States.

These problems manifest themselves in the social systems of the target states and on the other hand, in the brain drain of the countries people are leaving. And these countries, from which people are leaving, are losing their elites, the groups of people potentially greatly contributing to the further development.

And we must also take notice of the different reality in some of the European countries. There are states troubled by high levels of debt and youth unemployment in tens of percent. Social dialogue is an important tool which helps to bridge the different perspectives of the individual states. We have initiated the start of the tradition of the joint meetings of the Czech and Slovak tripartite; we are also trying to promote the tradition of meeting the social partners from the entire Visegrad Group.

Trade unions and employers represent the key actors at the labour market, and it is much up to their members by whom and how to be represented. Therefore, the principle of the social dialogue in Europe should further increase in the future. White Paper on the Future of Europe then presented different models of Europe divided into multiple speeds. This means that in these very weeks and months, both the large and the small states are deciding which path the European Union is going take.

Decisions are made about who will be sitting at the European table in the coming years, behind which we make joint decisions in Europe. Multi-speed Europe itself will not bring solutions and satisfaction neither to the faster nor the slower states.

Therefore, in my opinion, we must look for ways to reduce internal disparities in Europe and weaken the tension. On the other hand, what ought to and shall work is the emphasis on the common principles from which the European community already once grew. Thus, not only the free market and the trade rules, but also the rule of law, democratic dialogue and the observance of high standards of human and social rights.

It is like fair play in sports. We need these principles in Europe so that our game would be European not only by its idea but also by its geographical location. Thank you. Je to jako fair play ve sportu. The first factory was built around the year The first strike took place around the year And through about one hundred years after that, the working-class people of that town voted Liberal.

There was no social democracy. They had trade unions. But in they voted for the Labour party. And from that day, until now, every election in my town was won by Labour. But in , the fascist party, the British National Party, got two thousand out of 50 thousand votes.

Just ask where the coal mine used to be, where the factory used to be. But then down here, in the neck of the elephant, there are people in Britain, in America, in France who gained nothing from thirty years of globalisation; and some less than nothing. Those people are the core of our vote. And in fact, the manual, low-skilled working class is now the battleground for this discussion between social democracy, liberalism and right-wing nationalism.

Draw the arch of history from my town and it could end very badly. What is happening to British Labour is, of course, partly driven by specifics. The main problem is the one faced by all of us in Europe in social democracy and the radical left. And it is that the working-class culture that was our strength has been stripped of its relationship to work.

Clinging to that identity was deemed illogical by those who promoted neoliberalism. But it is not necessarily about racism, nationalism and xenophobia because the migrant communities that live among us in Britain, three million EU citizens, are decent hard-working people, they are mainly white, Christian and their beer and sausage tastes much the same as ours.

So where did all the hostility come from? What happened? Co se stalo? But you know what? It is equally available to the guy from Prague or Warsaw. People who said it were laughed at, thrown out, even of the communities that are now voting Brexit. It is almost always multi-ethnic.

Who are they? The taxi driver, the security guard, the low-paid factory worker. They feel as threatened by what Europe became as the classic xenophobic white racist person. But they are all about to find that they are wrong. They are all about to find out that Brexit will be an economic catastrophe for them, even if not for people like Boris Johnson. But the result is going to be, instead of the people taking control, that the rich will take control of post-Brexit Britain.

Hard right conservative leadership will lead back to that. In that situation, the most likely outcome is the hard and chaotic Brexit process for my country. Kdo jsou? That is the worst thing and it is the same problem as we have in America: Trump will fail.

But then, what comes next? This is the context of the challenge of social democracy to move beyond the situation, to come up with concrete answers, but also ideological and philosophical answers, that can inform what Europe does next.

What can we do? The first thing we need to do is to recognize the source of the problem. It is the failure of the global economic model that we on the left call neoliberalism. In Britain, wages stagnated, social mobility slowed down and then the financial system collapsed and for the last 7 years, we have been running global capitalism with central bank money. For years if you want to. The human brain demands logic. How come the state has to prop up the banks? How come the state has to go on printing money but then, when they print it, the rich people get rich but my wages stagnate?

How come, how does that work? What does it mean for my child, my grandchild? How does that work? Whatever we do in Europe, America has turned towards economic nationalism. And not just to that, towards great power diplomacy.

Putin and Trump are. Jak to funguje? We give you this sphere of influence in the Middle East, you take that sphere of influence in the Middle East. But actually, all they want is left social democracy. Everything they actually do falls within very familiar politics to those of us who are old enough to remember the Keynesian era.

So what do we do? We should reverse austerity. Then, funding the provision of universal services from taxation and thirdly, restoring the welfare system. The newspapers will go crazy against Corbyn when he actually reveals the manifesto. This mesmerising dream of national greatness. Our members are now drawn from the urban salariat, the educated and the network young.

And from those who survived, whose principles and philosophies learnt in Keynesian era survived the defeats and reversals of the s. That is who we are in Labour.


Strategic or Identity-Based Euroscepticism? the Euro Discourse of Vaclav Klaus

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Name: Globalization and European Cohesion. The publication was supported by the Visegrad Fund. Introduction Dear Readers Social dimension of foreign policy became an integral part of my work as the Minister of Foreign Affairs after the elections in autumn You can see that in practice when we as the Czech Republic, after several years break, started again to pay contributions to the International Labour Organization and agreed on supporting some of its concrete projects.


Academic journal article Romanian Journal of Political Science. The study of Euroscepticism to this point has taken place largely in research on political parties and public behaviour. There is a substantial body of work which has found that Euroscepticism is employed either as a strategic tool or as an important factor in constructing the actor's identity. Less attention has been paid to individual politicians, probably because not many have held influential executive positions. The study of these individual politicians and the scope and manner of their use of Euroscepticism in their political entrepreneurship is thus increasingly relevant, not only as regards the study of Euroscepticism itself, but also as it impacts upon European integration. Since the overall momentum of Euroscepticism has gained across Europe in recent years, it is also important to determine if this increase is connected to the use of Euroscepticism as a strategic tool or whether it foreshadows changes in the ideological treatment of European integration.

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